Should the Senate confirm Supreme Court nominee Neil Gorsuch? Be sure to discuss his constitutional ideology in your answer.
Judge Neil Gorsuch recalls being blinded by tears in the middle of a ski run after someone rang his cellphone with news of the unexpected death of Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia. The reaction illustrates not only the depth of Gorsuch's admiration for his mentor but also how thoroughly he has modeled his conservative constitutionalist views after Scalia. "I immediately lost what breath I had," Gorsuch, who sits on the 10th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, said in a speech last April. "And I am not embarrassed to admit that I couldn't see the rest of the way down the mountain for the tears." One year later, the 49-year-old Colorado native is President Donald Trump's pick to replace Scalia as the Republican leader heeded calls by many conservatives to find someone as near to a Scalia philosophical clone as possible. Like Scalia, Gorsuch believes judges must focus primarily on the text of the 230-year-old Constitution and resolve legal disputes by following the Founding Fathers' intentions. Gorsuch has said that if judges factor in personal beliefs, societal changes or calculations about maximizing social welfare, they risk becoming "little more than politicians with robes." Gorsuch, who once went fly-fishing with Scalia, said Scalia helped remind Americans about the roles of judges and lawmakers. In a speech last year at Case Western Reserve University, Gorsuch said that message was that "legislators may appeal to their own moral convictions and to claims about social utility to reshape law. ... But that judges should do none of these things in a democratic society." Scalia, who died last February, was a leading proponent of originalism, an approach that seeks to resolve constitutional disputes by focusing on the document's text, its historical context and the framers' intentions. Originalism often is viewed as a conservative philosophy, but adherents can often hold strong civil libertarian views. Scalia, for example, held that flag burning was protected speech. Scalia frequently complained that the concept of originalism was misunderstood. He explained that an emphasis on text and historical context is flexible enough to be applied to modern phenomena like radio and the internet. And he said originalism left open avenues for change, including through constitutional amendments and legislation. "You want to create new rights and/or destroy old ones?" Scalia asked in a 1996 speech. "A legislature and the electoral franchise are all that you need. The only reason you need a constitution is because there are some things which you don't want a majority to be able to change." Originalism's critics say judges should treat the Constitution as a living, breathing document that's able to encompass society's evolving values. An example of this approach is the 2015 Supreme Court ruling that says constitutional rights to due process and equal protection supports a right to same-sex marriage. In his dissent, Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. wrote that the Constitution "had nothing to do with" that ruling by the court majority. In his 2016 speech, Gorsuch also quoted Scalia as saying that, to be a good judge, "you have to resign yourself to the fact that you're not always going to like the conclusions you reach. If you like them all the time, you're probably doing something wrong." Despite his adherence to a conservative legal philosophy, Gorsuch has also warned against rigidity. When asked at his 2006 confirmation hearings for the appeals court about the kind of judge he considers unacceptable, Gorsuch answered: "Someone who is not willing to listen with an open mind to the arguments of counsel, to his colleagues, and to precedent." But Gorsuch's tendency to harken back to the framers is reflected in his sharp criticism of the Chevron doctrine, which holds that judges should defer to federal departments and agencies to fill in the blanks of certain laws, including on immigration and the environment. The framers, Gorsuch wrote last year, intended for lawmakers to make the laws, executives to execute them and judges to decipher their meaning. "A government of diffused powers, they knew, is a government less capable of invading the liberties of the people," he wrote. Gorsuch incorporated wariness of executive power in a dissent after the full 10th Circuit declined to rehear a three-judge panel's ruling that a sex offender should comply with detailed rules about registering as a sex offender. Those rules were set not by Congress, but by the U.S. attorney general. "If the separation of powers means anything, it must mean that the prosecutor isn't allowed to define the crimes he gets to enforce," Gorsuch wrote in 2015. If political leaders differ with judges over existing law, Gorsuch wrote, politicians always had a clear constitutional remedy: "It's called legislation. ... Admittedly, the legislative process can be an arduous one. But that's no bug in the constitutional design: It is the very point of the design." Originalists such as Gorsuch also apply their philosophy to resolve disagreements over laws crafted by Congress or state legislatures, focusing on the text and intention of the lawmakers. In a 2012 dissent in an appeal of a federal law that bans felons from possessing guns, Gorsuch wrote: "When the current statute's language is clear, it must be enforced just as Congress wrote it. ... Congress could have written the law differently than it did, and it is always free to rewrite the law when it wishes. But in our legal order it is the role of the courts to apply the law as it is written, not some different law Congress might have written in the past or might write in the future." Gorsuch has argued that liberals are too quick to file lawsuits as a way to force change, even though there's "no doubt that constitutional lawsuits have secured critical civil-rights victories," including desegregation. He said that reliance can end up hardening divisions. "In the legislative arena, especially when the country is closely divided, compromises tend to be the rule of the day," he wrote in the National Review in 2005. "But when judges rule this or that policy unconstitutional, there's little room for compromise: One side must win, the other must lose."
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Should Congress authorize the building of a border wall between the United States and Mexico?
President Donald Trump moved aggressively to tighten the nation's immigration controls Wednesday, signing executive actions to jumpstart construction of a U.S.-Mexico border wall and block federal grants from immigrant-protecting "sanctuary cities." "Beginning today the United States of America gets back control of its borders," Trump declared during a visit to the Department of Homeland Security. "We are going to save lives on both sides of the border." Trump cast his actions as fulfillment of a campaign pledge to enact hard-line immigration measures, including construction of a wall paid for by Mexico. With the families of Americans killed by people living in the U.S. illegally sitting in the audience, Trump said, "When it comes to public safety, there is no place for politics." Funding for the border wall project is murky. While Trump has repeatedly promised that Mexico will pay for it, U.S. taxpayers are expected to cover the initial costs and the new administration has said nothing about how it will compel Mexico to reimburse the money. One of the executive actions Trump signed Wednesday appears to signal that he could restrict aid to Mexico. In an interview with ABC News earlier Wednesday, Trump said, "There will be a payment; it will be in a form, perhaps a complicated form." Mexican President Enrique Pena Nieto, who has insisted his country will not pay for a wall, is expected to meet with Trump at the White House next week, despite calls from some lawmakers for him to cancel his visit. Congressional aides say there is about $100 million of unspent appropriations in the Department of Homeland Security account for border security, fencing and infrastructure. That would allow planning efforts to get started, but far more money would have to be appropriated for when construction got underway. Trump has insisted many times the border structure will be a wall. The order he signed referred to "a contiguous, physical wall or other similarly secure, contiguous and impassable physical barrier." The president's orders also call for hiring 5,000 additional border patrol agents, though the increase is subject to congressional approval. He also moved to end what Republicans have labeled a catch-and-release system at the border. Currently, some immigrants caught crossing the border illegally are released and given notices to report back to immigration officials at a later date. Trump campaigned on pledges to tighten U.S. immigration policies, including strengthening border security and stemming the flow of refugees. His call for a border wall was among his most popular proposals with supporters, who often broke out in chants of "build that wall" during rallies. To build the wall, the president is relying on a 2006 law that authorized several hundred miles of fencing along the 2,000-mile frontier. That bill led to the construction of about 700 miles of various kinds of fencing designed to block both vehicles and pedestrians. The Secure Fence Act was signed by then-President George W. Bush, and the majority of that fencing in Texas, New Mexico, Arizona and California was built before he left office. The last remnants were completed after President Barack Obama took office in 2009. The Trump administration also must adhere to a decades-old border treaty with Mexico that limits where and how structures can be built. The 1970 treaty requires that structures cannot disrupt the flow of the rivers, which define the U.S.-Mexico border along Texas and 24 miles in Arizona, according to The International Boundary and Water Commission, a joint U.S.-Mexican agency that administers the treaty. Here is a roundup of the state of the border fence and border law enforcement, and what has occurred in the past. Q: What does Trump’s executive order on the border wall do? A: It calls for “the immediate construction of a physical wall on the southern border, monitored and supported by adequate personnel so as to prevent illegal immigration, drug and human trafficking, and acts of terrorism.” Q: How long is the southern border? A: It is 1,989 miles and crosses four states: California, Arizona, New Mexico and Texas. About 65 percent of the land is owned by private parties or the state; the rest belongs to the federal government and Native American tribes. Q: How much of the border already has walls? A: The border fence totals 653 miles. In San Diego County, where the border with Mexico is 60 miles long, there are 46 miles of barriers. That includes 13 miles of double fencing in areas along the San Diego-Tijuana corridor where nightly mass crossings of hundreds of immigrants were once common. Q: How does the executive order define “wall”? A: “A contiguous, physical wall or similarly secure, contiguous, and impassable physical barrier.” Q: What would a border wall cost? A: Estimates vary. Trump has suggested $8 billion to $12 billion. The Department of Homeland Security says about $2.3 billion has been spent on the walls now in place, and that it would cost about $6.5 million per mile for additional pedestrian fencing and $1.7 million per mile for vehicle barriers. One estimate from MIT says the total could top $40 billion. Q: What has been the impact of the wall on illegal immigration? A: The Border Patrol measures it by the number of apprehensions. Those peaked in the San Diego sector during fiscal 1986, when 629,656 apprehensions occurred. In fiscal 2016, there were 31,891 apprehensions. Experts caution that other factors, especially economic ones, can affect the flow of immigrants trying to cross the border. |
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